The Industrialization of Rural ChinaOUP Oxford, 2006 M12 21 - 448 páginas The growth of rural industry in China since 1978 has been explosive. Much of the existing literature explains its growth in terms of changes in economic policy. By means of a combination of privatization, liberalization and fiscal decentralization, it is argued, rural industrialization has taken off. This book takes issue with such claims. Using a newly constructed dataset covering all of China's 2000 plus counties and complemented by a detailed econometric study of county-level industrialization in the provinces of Sichuan, Guangdong and Jiangsu, the author demonstrates that history mattered. More precisely, it is argued that the development of rural industry in the Maoist period set in motion a process of learning-by-doing whereby China's rural workforce gradually acquired an array of skills and competencies. As a result, rural industrialization was accelerating well before the 1978 climacteric. The growth of the 1980s and 1990s is therefore likely to be a continuation of this process. Without prior Maoist development of skills, the growth of the post-1978 era would have been much slower, and perhaps would not have occurred at all - as has been the case in countries such as India and Vietnam. This is not to say that the Maoist legacy was without flaw. Many of the rural industries created under Mao were geared towards meeting defence-related objectives resulting in inefficiencies, and there can be no question that post-1978 policy changes facilitated the growth process. But without the Maoist inheritance, rural industrialization across China would have been unsuccessful. |
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Página xi
... especially like to pay tribute to the work of Vivienne Shue, Marc Blecher, Carl Riskin, Gao Mobo and Han Dongping for insisting that we cannot neglect the Maoist past in analysing the Chinese present. I am most grateful to Bonnie ...
... especially like to pay tribute to the work of Vivienne Shue, Marc Blecher, Carl Riskin, Gao Mobo and Han Dongping for insisting that we cannot neglect the Maoist past in analysing the Chinese present. I am most grateful to Bonnie ...
Página 2
... , or that this learning in turn made possible the remarkable growth of the Dengist era. There is also the possibility that local government across China, but especially in Jiangsu, chose to remain on the collective road 2 Introduction.
... , or that this learning in turn made possible the remarkable growth of the Dengist era. There is also the possibility that local government across China, but especially in Jiangsu, chose to remain on the collective road 2 Introduction.
Página 3
Chris Bramall. especially in Jiangsu, chose to remain on the collective road because such industries were much more efficient than their private cousins. If so, any notion of path dependency—in the sense of growth along an inefficient ...
Chris Bramall. especially in Jiangsu, chose to remain on the collective road because such industries were much more efficient than their private cousins. If so, any notion of path dependency—in the sense of growth along an inefficient ...
Página 6
... especially rich data on its experience. As importantly, we know that Jiangsu was the heartland of the pre-1949 handicraft tradition in China. We also know that county, commune and brigade industry developed very quickly in the province ...
... especially rich data on its experience. As importantly, we know that Jiangsu was the heartland of the pre-1949 handicraft tradition in China. We also know that county, commune and brigade industry developed very quickly in the province ...
Página 7
... especially along the Anning river valley and at Dukou (Panzhihua). Many other rural areas were also affected: Deyang, to the north of Chengdu, is a good example. In other words, the Front was in most respects a programme of rural ...
... especially along the Anning river valley and at Dukou (Panzhihua). Many other rural areas were also affected: Deyang, to the north of Chengdu, is a good example. In other words, the Front was in most respects a programme of rural ...
Contenido
1 | |
8 | |
3 Rural Industrialization After 1978 | 48 |
4 The Role of Policy Change | 72 |
5 The Learning Hypothesis | 117 |
6 Learning to Industrialize in the Maoist Era | 141 |
7 The National Evidence | 168 |
8 Jiangsu | 207 |
9 Sichuan | 244 |
10 Guangdong | 285 |
11 Conclusion | 322 |
Appendices | 337 |
Bibliography | 356 |
Index | 389 |
Otras ediciones - Ver todas
The Industrialization of Rural China Chris Bramall,Lecturer in Contemporary Chinese Studies Chris Bramall Vista previa limitada - 2007 |
Términos y frases comunes
accounted achieved agricultural areas argued average base brigade capital central centres Chengdu China Chinese Chongqing clear close commune compared contributed counties county-level course dependency early economic effect efficient employed enterprises especially estimates evidence example expansion experience extent fact factor figure fiscal foreign further geography given growth rate Guangdong GVIO heavy industry higher human capital impact important included increased industrial employment industrial growth industrial output industrial production initial investment Jiangsu jurisdictions labour late learning less limited literacy located manufacturing Maoist measure million municipality Nevertheless output percent period poor population prefecture problem programme provinces rapid regions regression relatively result rural industrialization sector share Sichuan significant skills SOEs Sources statistically suggests Sunan Table Third Front tion types urban Wenzhou western workers Wuxi yuan